Unit 4.3 Gender and Buddhism

BUDDHISM

A Level Religious Studies

Gender and Buddhism 

Unit 4.3 

Introduction

 Issues of gender equality and the study of religion are an important aspect of applying the study of religion and link with the ethics unit on equality. The development of the role of women, and the changing role of men, in different forms of Buddhism is a complex story that is easy to misread from a western secular perspective. However, it would not be wrong to suggest that not all forms of Buddhism today would have egalitarian views of women in leadership and women’s capacity to achieve enlightenment.  

Of significance is the story of the first woman disciple of eth Buddha - Māhapājapatī Gotamī.  Her ordination is a key moment in the development of the role of women in the ordained sangha.  The role of men as leaders in the sangha is entangled with both pre Buddhist sexist cultural attitudes to women and perhaps with Buddhist teaching itself. 

Women in early Buddhism given strong teaching on the problem of desire were treated with suspicion and relegated often in family life to cultural models of subservient.  The role of men and women in Buddhism in the teaching of Dhamma, is complicated and historically the Bhikkhuni lineage died out so that many Theravada women do not consider themselves ordained nuns but rather rennunciant women in contemporary society.

More recent feminist approaches in contemporary Buddhism have emerged both from with Srilanka and Thiland and from the West following the academic feminist writings of N S Salgado and T Bartholomeusz amongst others.

Topic          

Content

Key Knowledge

Unit 4.3

Social and historical developments- The development of the role of women, and the changing role of men, in different forms of Buddhism

·         The significance of Māhapājapatī Gotamī

·         the development of the role of women in the ordained sangha

·         the role of men in the sangha.

·         Family life

·         the role of men and women in Buddhism in the dhamma, history and contemporary society.

·         Feminist approaches in contemporary Buddhism.

·         The self-understanding of Sri Lankan Women who are renunicants

·         Feminist Buddhism    

You need to understand the issues raised by Buddhist teachings, including:

·         Whether the Buddha was Sexist?  

·         Should female renunciations be called nuns?

·         What do Buddhists think about women leading the Sangha and become enlightened?

·         What significant things N S Salgado and T Bartholomeusz and other relevant scholars have said about Gender and Buddhism.

Key Words

CULLAVAGA  – part of the second book of the Vinaya Pitaka containing details about the ordination of bhikkhunis

MAHA-PAJAPATI GOTIOMA  – the aunt and foster-mother of the Buddha whose life story as a bhikkhuni is recorded in a variety of sacred texts 

TATHAGATA – a term used by the Buddha to describe himself and also used by others as a title for the Buddha; its meaning is uncertain and sometimes translated as 'the one who has thus gone' or 'the one who has thus arrived'

GARUDHAMMAS  – the eight chief rules - also known as 'heavy' or 'weighty' rules - set by the Buddha, accepted by Maha-Pajapati-Gotami and applied to bhikkhunis 

Devadatta  – the Buddha's cousin who is presented as a figure of evil in Buddhist texts but who becomes a Buddha in the Lotus Sutra 

Paramattha sacca   – generally translated as ultimate truth or underlying reality which might be regarded as sunyata - emptiness

Sammuti sacca  – generally translated as conventional truth which is conditioned by designations

Terigatha  – a collection of sayings and poems written by senior bhikkhunis which is in the Pali Canon 

Revalorisation  – the term used by Rita Gross for both critiquing the androcentric patriarchy of Buddhist texts and stories and for then repairing the Buddhist tradition

practising this male bias in contemporary Asian and Western Buddhism 

Four Levels of androcentricism  – Four ways in which androcentrism has permeated Buddhism: preservation of male texts and stories, prioritising of male texts and stories, preserving this male bias in Western scholarship,

Gender and Buddhism

Key Ideas 

·         The Buddha teaching and practice of ordaining women, after persuasion:

·         There are different views in Buddhism about whether women can be nuns.

·         The bhikkhuni Sangha as found in Sri Lanka today is a

different approach to the or ordination of women as bhikkhunis.

·          The lotus Sutra: the nature of Buddhahood

·         The Lotus Sutra presents a range of teachings: all equally possess the potential to attain Buddhahood; the Dragon King's daughter (chapter 12) transforms into a man before attaining awakening: different views in Buddhism about whether women can attain awakening.  

·        

The extent to which Buddhism aligns with feminism.

"In crossing the river [from Saṃsāra to emancipation] (...) crocodiles are a designation for women." Gautama Buddha, Majjhima Nikāya 3

"If it were not for women being admitted into [our order], my teachings would have lasted 1000 years, now they will not last 500." Gautama Buddha, Dīgha Nikāya 3

Early Buddhism and women as nuns - Maha-Pajapati Gotami

A key text from Theravada Buddhism regarding the role of women can be found in the second book of the Vinaya Pitaka which is named the CULLAVAGA. Tradition suggests that these texts along with much else ofthe Vinaya were compiled immediately after the death of the Buddha at the first Buddhist Council or perhaps some seventy years later at the second Buddhist Council. In the tenth chapter of the Cullavaga can be found the account of the ordination of women and subsequent teaching regarding the duties and position of bhikkhus and bhikkhunis (Buddhist monks and nuns).

The Buddha had already founded the order of bhikkhus by this time. During his travelling and preaching, he is visited by who was his aunt and his foster-mother MAHA-PAJAPATI GOTIOMA. When she arrives, she bows to the Buddha and then stands to one side and asks: 'It would be well, Lord, if women should be allowed to renounce their homes and enter the homeless state under the doctrine and discipline proclaimed by the TATHAGATA.' Simply put, she is asking that women be allowed by follow the bhikkhu path.

The Buddha rejects her request and replies: 'Enough, 0 Gotami! Let it not please thee that women should be allowed to do so.' This happens a second and third time and then Maha-Pajapati Gotami leaves weeping. The Buddha then travels further and again Maha-Pajapati Gotami comes to see him but this time with a group of women. She has cut off her hair and put on orange-coloured robes. She stands 'with swollen feet and covered with dust, sad and sorrowful. weeping and in tears' in the entrance porch of the hall where the Buddha is sitting.

 At this point in the narrative, arrives and hearing her request goes to the

Buddha and asks three times on her behalf. Each time the Buddha gives the same

reply: 'Enough, Ananda! Let it not please thee that women should be allowed to

“monastics inhabit a world where questions of gender equality and agency do not figure in the manner assumed by secular-liberal thinking” (p.11) nuns variously “challenge, ignore, or bypass apparent structures of male domination” (p.11), do these rules “bespeak an ideological complicity that reinforces a supposedly patriarchal Buddhism?” (pp.10-11). Salgado

do so.' After this Ananda asks the Buddha whether if women did 'renounce their homes and enter the homeless state under the doctrine and discipline' he taught they would be able to become fully enlightened as arhats. The Buddha agrees that this would be the case and Ananda therefore continues by reminding the Buddha that Maha-Pajapati Gotami was of great service to him when she fed him, gave him milk and looked after him following the death of Maya his mother. Ananda concludes: 'It were well, Lord, that women should have permission to go forth from the household life and enter the homeless state, under the doctrine and discipline proclaimed by the Tathagata.'

The Buddha replies: 'If then, Ananda, Maha-Pajapati Gotami take upon herself the Eight Chief Rules let that be reckoned to her as her initiation.' Thus, by accepting these rules, she will become a bhikkhuni. These rules are called the Eight GARUDHAMMAS and at the end of each one the Buddha declares: This is a rule to be revered and reverenced, honoured and observed, and her lifelong never to be transgressed.'

The Vinaya in the Pali Canon

The GARUDHAMMAS are found in the rules section of the Pali cannon. The 227 rules are often known as the Patimokka (P) or Pratimoksha (S) rules and the recitation ceremony is called the Uposatha. There are even more rules for nuns which seek to establish the superior authority of the male bhikkhus. The Garudhammas can be summarised as follows:

1. A bhikkhuni even if she was in the order for one hundred years 'shall make salutation to, shall rise up in the presence of, shall bow down before, and shall perform all proper duties towards a bhikkhu, even if only just initiated'.

2. A bhikkhuni should not spend Yassa (the rainy season retreat) in a district where there is no bhikkhu.

3. Every two weeks a bhikkhuni should ask the sangha of bhikkhus as to the date of particular ceremonies and the time when a bhikkhu will come to give a talk.

4. At the end of Vas sa (the rainy season retreat) bhikkhunis should come before the sangha of both bhikkhunis and bhikkhus for the confession of faults.

5. A bhikkhuni who has committed a fault must have this considered by the sangha of both bhikkhunis and bhikkhus.

6. After two years as a novice, a bhikkhuni is to ask for higher ordination from the sangha of both bhikkhunis and bhikkhus.

7. A bhikkhuni is on no pretext 'to revile or abuse a bhikkhu'.

8. An official warning or reprimand of bhikkhus by bhikkhunis is forbidden whereas an official warning or reprimand of bhikkhunis by bhikkhus 'is not forbidden '.

Ananda returns to Maha-Pajapati Gotami and recites to her the Garudhammas which she happily accepts: 'Just, Ananda, as a man or a woman, when young and of tender years, accustomed to adorn himself, would, when he had bathed his head, receive with both hands a garland of lotus flowers, or of jasmine flowers, or of atimuttaka flowers, and place it on the top of his head; even so do I, Ananda, take upon me these Eight Chief Rules, never to be transgressed my life long.'

In the subsequent sections of the Cullavaga, these rules are clarified and explained in greater detail. Thus, Maha-Pajapati Gotami returns to Ananda and asks whether there could be equality in terms of 'the making of salutations, the rising up in presence of another, the paying of reverence, and the performance of proper duties one towards another' between bhikkhus and bhikkhunis according to their seniority. Having heard this request from Ananda, the Buddha declares: 'This is impossible, Ananda, and unallowable, that I should so order. Even those others, Ananda, teachers of ill doctrine, allow not such conduct towards women; how much less, then, can the Tathagata allow it?' The Buddha then tells the assembled bhikkhus that for them, showing such equality of salutation to women is not allowed. Anyone who does so is guilty of a wrong action.

Elsewhere disputes between bhikkhus and bhikkhunis are brought to the Buddha for his judgment. In one, a bhikkhu on the road is struck and knocked over by a bhikkhuni. The Buddha declares this to be wrong and concludes:

'I prescribe that a bhikkhuni, 0 bhikkhus, on seeing a bhikkhu, should get out of the way when still at a distance, and make room for him.'

Again it is explained how bhikkhunis tried to take a leadership role over bhikkhus to which the Buddha declared:

'A bhikkhuni is not, 0 bhikkhus, to perform anyone of these official acts towards a bhikkhu. Should she do so, the act is itself invalid ... .'

Such an action is also declared to be a wrong action.

Immediately after Maha-Pajapati Gotami accepted the Garudhammas and thus became a bhikkhuni, the Buddha explained to Ananda the negative impact that this would have on the Dhamma: 'If, Ananda, women had not received permission to go out from the household life and enter the homeless state, under the doctrine and discipline proclaimed by the Tathagata, then would the pure religion, Ananda, have lasted long, the good law would have stood fast for a thousand year.' But since, Ananda, women have now received that permission, the pure religion, Ananda, will not now last so long, the good law will now stand fast for only five hundred years.' (The 'homeless state' refers to living the life of a bhikkhuni in a monastic community.) The Buddha continues with a number of analogies and concludes that the Garudhammas are to be compared to 'an embankment to a great reservoir, beyond which the water should not overpass'.

‘Discussion of women in early Buddhism mirrored old cultural stereotypes that collided with Buddhist egalitarian principles of liberation for all beings.’ Schireson

These passages from the Cullavaga are of great importance with regard to different views in Buddhism about whether women can be nuns. This is an issue which has arisen for some Buddhists since the end of the 19th century. it has also become of increasing relevance in recent decades due to the impact of Western Buddhism and the influence of feminism.

Buddhism and family life

In the Anguttara Nikaya (5:33), The Buddha tells future wives that they should be obedient to their husbands, please them, and not make them angry through their own desires.

Furthermore, the Buddha offers advice to married women in the Anguttara Nikaya (7:59; IV 91-94), from the Pali (Theravada) canon, where he tells of seven types of wives—the first three types are destined for unhappiness, while the last four, as they are imbued with long term self-control, are destined to be happy.

These latter wives are characterised as caretakers (motherly-wife), companions (friend-wife) and submissives (sister-wife and slave-wife)—the Buddha thus endorsed a variety of types of wives within marriage.

Questions

1. Explain the influence of the Garudhammas on Ordination in Buddhism

2. What does the Buddha state after I each of the Garudhammas?

3. Explain the influence and importance of Maha-Pajapati Gotami in Buddhism

Different views in Buddhism about whether women can be nuns

In this area, the major consideration for many Buddhists is in some ways a detailed and technical one which - when simplified - is concerned with whether or not the bhikkhuni has received or can receive the higher ordination. As explained in the sixth Garudhamma, higher ordination has to be given by a sangha of bhikkhunis - each of whom has themselves received higher ordination - as well as by a sangha of bhikkhus. This is known as the dual sangha.

For some Buddhists the issue is further complicated because consideration has also to be given to the different schools of Buddhism and, above all. to the question of whether or not there is a continuous lineage of higher ordination of bhikkhunis which can be traced back from the present day to the time of the Buddha. This lineage might be one which begins in one country but - through the work of Buddhist missionaries - is then continued in another country. Taken as a whole the three recognised lineages are:

1. Theravada lineage which is found in the countries of South East Asia such as Thailand, Burma and Sri Lanka.

2. Tibetan lineage which is Tibetan/Vajrayana as found in countries such as Tibet and Mongolia.

3. Chinese lineage which is a mixture of Mahayana and Theravada as found in the countries of East Asia such as China, Korea, Taiwan and Vietnam.

And just, Ananda, as when the disease called blight falls upon a field of sugar-cane in good condition, that field of sugar-cane does not continue long; just so, Ananda, under whatsoever doctrine and discipline women are allowed to go forth from the household life into the homeless state, that religion does not last long. The Buddha / Cullavaga

With regard to the Theravada lineage, as Bhikkhu Bodhi explains: The last evidence for the existence of the original Bhikkhuni Sangha in a country following Theravada Buddhism dates from Sri Lanka in the 11th century.' Regarding the second, it is unclear whether higher ordination was ever carried out but only the lower ordination as a novice is found in the Tibetan lineage. It is only in the third, the Chinese lineage, that evidence of the higher ordination of bhikkhunis by the dual sangha having always been maintained can be found. However, it should be noted that for some Theravada Buddhists the Chinese lineage is not a 'pure' one but is rather a 'cross-sangha' since in the lineage there are Theravada and Mahayana bhikkhus and bhikkhunis who have been involved in the ordination process. Focusing on the debate within Theravada, there are those who believe that women cannot be bhikkhunis. One of the arguments for this approach is that the Buddha himself was very reluctant to ordain women in the first place, and had to be persuaded by Ananda. in addition, his agreement was only given provided that the extra burden of rules in the Garudhamma were accepted. Even then, once MahaPajapati Gotami became a bhikkhuni. he predicted that the impact of bhikkhunis on the Dhamma would be a negative one with the 'good law' which would have lasted one thousand years now only going to last for five hundred years. The fact that the Theravada bhikkhuni sangha ceased to exist in the 11th century is one which, some might argue, proves the Buddha was correct in his reluctance and supports the view that women cannot be bhikkhunis today.

Brazier sees the Buddha's statement in the Cullavaga as to the negative impact of women being ordained on the long-term continuation of the Dhamma in a positive light which aligns with feminism. He argues: 'if we see the Buddha's agenda as being to establish a Pure Land ... and if we see the dharma as the means of achieving it, then the passage can be just as well taken to mean that with women involved as well as men, the job will get done in half the time.'

The rigidity with which the Theravada tradition wants to preserve the Dhamma and the original form, i.e. the monastic lifestyle and the legal acts prescribed for the monastic community ... aims at conserving what is believed to be the most original form of Buddhism. This endeavour is motivated by the fear of losing original meaning by a process of historical erosion, i.e. oblivion or intentional manipulation. Through the course of its story, the Theravada tradition has considered the vinaya as pivotal for safeguarding the continuity and longevity of Buddhism. Seeger

Another argument is that, as laid down by the Buddha in the Cullavaga, for a woman to achieve higher ordination she has to be ordained by the dual sangha of bhikkhunis and bhikkhus. Since there has been no Theravada bhikkhuni sangha since the 11 th century, this higher ordination by a dual sangha cannot now take place or ever take place in the future. Instead it is argued that women can and should accept lesser roles which might include having ordination only as a novice.

Questions

1. Describe the current state of women’s ‘lineage’ in Buddhism

2. What is Bhikkhu Bodhi’s point about the 11th century ?

3. Explain Brazier understanding of the Buddha's apparent negative statements about Women in the Sangha in the Cullavaga?

Modern Ordination – the ‘Dasa sil matas’ of Sri Lanka + 'Mae chi' of Thailand.

In different parts of the Buddhist world there are other roles such as that of the ‘Dasa sil matas’ (female renunciants) of Srilanka and the 'mae chi' in Thailand. These are Buddhist women who might take the same precepts as a bhikkhu, wear white robes and live in communities near temples and monasteries. However, they are not regarded and largely do not regard themselves as being ordained.

Some Theravada Buddhist women have attempted to address this by getting ordained through the bhikkhu sangha alone. Thus bhikkhus - particularly those from the West - might be sympathetic to their cause and agree to ordain them.  However, this is not something which the single bhikkhu sangha can carry out because the Buddha in the Cullavaga required ordination through a dual sangha.

The Dasa sil matas of Sri Lanka

“The narratives of contemporary Asian nuns have yet to be appreciated on their own terms, aside from their situatedness within dominant Western projects” (p.233).  “Claims about status and identity are inseparable from claims about power” (121) “all said that they did not think of sil matas as renunciant (pavidi)” (121). Salgado

The last few decades have been a time of great change for Buddhist nuns around the world. In this book, Nirmala Salgado directs her attention to Sri Lankan Buddhist nuns and their relationships with the government, Sri Lankan monks, the lay community, the international community, and scholars of women in Buddhism. She focuses primarily on the construction and deconstruction of scholarship on Buddhist nuns, notions of female renunciant identity, and narratives of agency, subjectivity, and liberation, both secular and religious. Her thesis is that previous studies about Buddhist nuns are deficient in multiple ways and she aims to identify those deficiencies. The Dasa sil matas of Sri Lankan themselves take less interest in issues of renunciation and ordination, and even less of the framework of a western liberal or “globalatinized” discourse. Salgado in wanting to impose such a discourse could end up effectively denying that Sri Lankan ‘nuns’ are able to exercise their own agency in selecting the path to bhikkhunī ordination in all but name.

         Salgado’s assessment is that the categories such as “lay” and “ordained” must be recognized are quite clearly delineated (albeit not with those labels) in scriptural passages ascribed to the Buddha himself. He describes the four assemblies of disciples—bhikkhus (monks), bhikkhunīs (nuns), upāsakas (laymen), and upāsikās (laywomen)—as necessary for a strong and balanced Buddhist society and indicates that he will not rest until the bhikkhunī sangha is firmly established. Nuns in all Buddhist societies consider themselves distinct from householders by their practice of intentional celibacy, their practice of specific precepts (sīla), their robes and shaven heads, and their full-time dedication to Buddhist practice. The distinction is so clear that many nuns in Asia do not consider themselves to be women, since the word “woman” implies worldly duties and expectations very different from those of a renunciant. Indeed, Salgado includes a typical quote from a Sri Lankan bhikkhunī who says, “We are not women” (8). This bhikkhunī clearly sees herself as possessing definitive signs of Buddhist renunciation.

Salgado claims that those who assisted the Dasa sil matas “by invoking discourses of deprivation, human rights, and feminism, or by upholding a religious heritage, rarely harmonized with sil matas’ understanding of themselves” (147). The initial impetus for reestablishing the bhikkhunī ordination came not from Western academics, as frequently stated, but from Sri Lankan Buddhist women who attended the first conference of Sakyadhita International Association of Buddhist Women in Bodhgaya in 1987. In Thailand, similarly, in my view the impetus for full ordination is coming from Thai Buddhist women, not outsiders.

Questions

1. Describe the current state of women’s ‘lineage’ in Buddhism

2. What is Bhikkhu Bodhi’s point about the 11th century ?

3. Explain Brazier understanding of the Buddha's apparent negative statements about Women in the Sangha in the Cullavaga?

The 'Mae chi' of Thailand

To further support their case, Theravada Buddhists might quote the Thai law passed by the Supreme Sangha Council in 1928 which forbids any Thai bhikkhus from ordaining women as novices and bhikkhunis.

Again, some Theravada Buddhist women have attempted to address this issue by getting ordained through a dual sangha of bhikkhunis from the Chinese lineage and Theravada bhikkhus who are sympathetic to their cause. However, the official position of Theravada Buddhism in Thailand is that this is still not recognised as the higher ordination, since the Chinese bhikkhuni lineage is not pure Theravada but is a 'cross-sangha' with a mixture of Mahayana and Theravada. Thus women who are ordained as bhikkhunis in this way are still not recognised as being ordained in the Theravada lineage.

There are also those within Theravada - particularly in Sri Lanka - who do believe that women can be ordained as bhikkhunis. Returning to the Cullavaga, one general argument to support women being ordained is that much of what can be found here regarding bhikkhunis is not authentic and should not be ascribed to the Buddha himself but rather to bhikkhus who wanted to strengthen their position and authority over bhikkhunis. The words ascribed to the Buddha are therefore seen as the product of later patriarchal thinking which should be seen in that context and should not be used as a barrier to the ordination of women. One response to this approach is to argue that the Cullavaga is part of the Vinaya which is the oldest part of the Pali Canon. It cannot be regarded as being inauthentic in any sense at all: the Cullavaga is a 'frozen' text which cannot be updated and modified since this would question the very foundations of the Dhamma.

“There are no values, no ‘social’ responsibilities in any sense other than the shared values and responsibilities of individuals. Society is a collection of individuals and of the various groups they voluntarily form.”

Friedman

Another argument regarding the Cullavaga is to accept its authenticity as being the Dhamma of the Buddha himself, butthen to explain the reasons behind his teaching as having limited relevance today. Thus, it might be argued that the Buddha's hesitation, the imposition of the Garudhammas, and his prediction regarding the negative impact of bhikkhunis on the survival of the 'good law' was due to a lack of understanding on his part since he was a man of his time. Gross argues: Thus it is not surprising, though it is unfortunate and causes sadness that the Buddha, in a sex-role ridden and patriarchal society, did not fully welcome women with their request to undertake an unconventional task.' It might then be argued that society has changed and that the patriarchal society ofthe past and its ways should be rejected. It might be said therefore, that if the Buddha was alive today, he would have no hesitation at all in ordaining women as bhikkhunis without the extra burden imposed by the Garudhammas. With that in mind women should be fully welcomed as bhikkhunis. The main response to this argument is to reject it outright since it suggests that there is a limitation to the Buddha's omniscience which he gained at his enlightenment and since it questions his compassion with regard to his dealings with women.

One argument might be noted which focuses on the ordination in 2004 of Chatsumarn Kabilsingh (1944-) who became the first Thai woman to be ordained in the Theravada lineage taking the name Dhammananda. She is at present the Abbess of the only temple in Thailand where there are bhikkhunis. In order to be ordained as a bhikkhuni, she went to Sri Lanka where the bhikkhuni sangha has been revived and is gaining in acceptance and support. Her ordination involved the dual sangha of bhikkhus and bhikkhunis but the latter included those of the Chinese lineage of the bhikkhuni sangha. Dhammananda stated: '1 assure you that the ordination of Chinese nuns has its origin in a Theravada Buddhist lineage. But despite this, our Theravada tries to reject its own descendants, instead of accepting them in admiration that they have been able to remain firm and to transmit their tradition'. As we have seen the response to this by those opposed to the ordination of women as bhikkhunis would be to point to the lack of 'purity' in the Chinese lineage since it is a 'cross-sangha' with a mixture of Mahayana and Theravada.

Dhammananda would therefore not be seen as a bhikkhuni since she was not ordained in the Theravada lineage. A further argument regarding the Cullavaga is one which regards the text as entirely authentic but as one which can be explained in such a way that it does not present any hindrance to women being ordained as bhikkhunis today. Thus Harvey suggests that the Buddha's hesitation is very similar to that immediately after his enlightenment when he wondered whether he should teach the Dhamma or not: 'In both cases, he only agrees once good reasons are cited: some have "little dust in their eyes" and will understand; women can attain advanced states of insight.' It is argued that the Buddha's reluctance at that time and the imposition of the Garudhammas was simply a necessary way of protecting bhikkhunis from being exploited and of guarding against any criticism or scandal regarding sexual relations between monks and nuns. Thus the spirit of the Buddha's teaching has to be embraced which allows for the ordination of women. A general response to this might be that the spirit of the Buddha's teaching cannot be separated from what is explicitly stated in the CUllavaga.

Some argue that the text of the Cullavaga regarding the ordination of bhikkhunis has to be put into the broader context of the Buddha's other teaching. Here the Buddha makes no attempt to exclude bhikkhunis or to state that their position is secondary to that of bhikkhus. What is implicit here is that all people are offered the Dhamma to follow the path as best suited to them regardless of their gender.

Bhikkhu Bodhi in support of this approach quotes the words of the Buddha about his teaching of the Four Noble Truths: '1 explained them to the bhikkhus, the bhikkhunis, the male lay followers, and the female lay followers, so that this spiritual life has become successful and prosperous, extended, popular, widespread, well proclaimed among gods and humans.' By extension therefore, women cannot be denied full access to the bhikkhuni path today on the basis of their gender.

A response to this might be to assert that the detailed and explicit rules of the Cullavaga cannot be put to one side on the basis of what other texts might suggest or imply. In this way again, the debate is based on how much authority is to be given to the Pali Canon and the Vinaya pitaka in particular.

Questions

1. Describe the current state of women’s ‘lineage’ in Buddhism

2. What is Bhikkhu Bodhi’s point about the 11th century ?

3. Explain Brazier understanding of the Buddha's apparent negative statements about Women in the Sangha in the Cullavaga?

Feminism in Buddhism

Theravada and Feminism

 Tessa Bartholomeusz describes the transformations and vicissitudes the order of Buddhist nuns has undergone in Sri Lanka, home of Theravada Buddhism as a story of transformation, innovation, and female resilience, responding necessarily to the political and social pressures of a constantly changing context. The most innovative feature of twentieth-century female asceticism was the institution of nunneries for "lay nuns," or the ‘dasa sil matavo’.

Bartholomeusz first covers the period up to the twentieth century. She begins with the establishment of an order of nuns in the third century BCE, its demise, for reasons not yet known, around the 12th century CE, the Buddhist revival at the end of the nineteenth century, and the attempts to revive the lost order of nuns. One of the fine ironies of the colonial situation was that it was western theosophists and educators like Colonel Olcott who fuelled the nationalist Buddhist revival in Sri Lanka against Christianity and their western colonial counterparts; and it was a westerner, the Countess Miranda de Souza Canavarro, that Anagarika invited to reestablish the order of Buddhist nuns in Sri Lanka. Although the Countess's "nunnery" did not survive long, the idea of female renunciates serving the cause of Buddhism caught on, and several innovative moves resulted.

Bartholomeusz argues by the early twentieth century, Sinhala Buddhist women had set up the institution of "lay nuns" (dasa sil matavo). These were not bhikkhunis or the female counterparts of ordained Buddhist monks, these were lay renunciates who, either as individuals or in small groups, decided to follow a life of Buddhist asceticism. The second part of the book deals with some of the organizations set up by these lay renunciates, the "nunneries" they established, their innovative methods of ordination, their dress and rules of conduct, and their perceptions   of their role as "lay nuns." Most of the Sinhala lay nuns accept the fact (rigidly held by a large section of the ordained monks) that since the Theravada order of nuns died out there can never be the necessary quorum of nuns required by the vinaya rules to start the order again.

However, they do not consider this an obstacle to fulfilling their roles as female renunciates. In fact, their present situation frees them from the control of monks (laid down in the vinaya rules of the canon), and gives them independence, autonomy, and a sense of power. As lay nuns or dasa sil matavo, they can evolve their own rules of conduct, create their own rituals of ordination, and yet be part of the larger tradition of Buddhist asceticism. It is in that sense a very creative and innovative form of feminine resistance, worked out within the Buddhist framework.

“The question, the issue, is always what to do about women, what special rules they would have to observe, whether or not they can become enlightened, whether they would progress as far as men on the Buddhist path. Gross

There may be little or no consensus among the different groups of lay renunciates on many issues, such as the appropriate rituals and rites of passage for the novices, but the groups agree on the basi premise that in accordance with Buddhist doctrine, women can, if  they so choose, give up their traditional social roles and adopt the   life of a renunciate. Most of the lay nuns whom Bartholomeusz describes chose the life of the renunciate. Like their forbears in the Pali canon, they did so because a personal tragedy, disillusion   with the world, a deep religious fervor, or a commitment to service in the cause of Buddhism led them to renounce the worldly life.

Bartholomeusz also traces the shifts and changes in lay attitudes toward these renunciates. During the Buddhist revival the lay nuns had considerable support from elite social groups who were also spearheading the movement for political independence. But once independence was won, Buddhism was "restored," and the need for female participation in Buddhist activities became less politically important, elite support for the movement declined. The ideal of the female renunciate has, however, captured the imagination of women from the rural areas, and their participation has created significant changes in the movement. These renunciates are less involved in personal salvation through meditation, but -- like their counterparts, the gramavasin (village-dwelling) monks -- they believe in a life of service to their fellows, perform pujas and rituals such as chanting pirit for the laity, or engage in preaching and teaching. With the waning of elite involvement, the social standing of the lay nuns also changed. They still get a fair amount of support and respect in the villages, but without the earlier visibility and influential political support they are seen by the general public as marginalized individuals and, unlike monks, as having no special niche or status in the larger society. Yet this has not deterred women from becoming renunciates. On the contrary, Bartholomeusz records that between 1989 and 1992 their numbers increased considerably. The push to acquire ordination and recognition as bhikkunis or nuns who are members of the sangha, comes, ironically, from the foreign nuns who feel the need for such acceptance most. Bartholomeusz documents their various organizations as well as the ordination ceremonies performed, (predictably) in  America.

Tessa Bartholomeusz's Women Under the Bo Tree gives life histories of several of the present day Sri Lankan lay nuns that she documents provide rich insights into the personalities of the individuals concerned, their contributions to the movement, and the sociopolitical and feminist implications of their institution.

Questions

1. Describe the main points of the story of Theravada Nuns linage according to Bartholomeusz.

2. What are the changing attiudes of Theravada laity to Renunciant women?

3. What might be the importance of Bartholomeusz. Work for Theravada Buddhism and its future?

Women in Early Theravada Buddhist texts

Tessa Bartholomeusz in her Women under the Bo Tree (1994) argues that some of the most haunting and moving voices of the Pali canon are those that resonate through the fragmentary poems of the Theris or nuns of early Buddhism. That these fragmentary verses have been preserved and included in the Buddhist doctrinal canon indicate that nuns were considered intrinsic part of the sangha in the early years of Buddhism.

Untitled Poem

So freed! So thoroughly freed am I! —

from three crooked things set free:

from mortar, pestle,

& crooked old husband.

Having uprooted the craving

that leads to becoming,

I'm set free from aging & death.

Therigatha, I.11 — Mutta --Translated from the Pali by Thanissaro Bhikkhu

“A Mother's Blessing” by Maha Pajapati (Gotami)—Buddha’s Aunt/Foster

Mother

Buddha! Hero! Praise be to you!

You foremost among all beings!

You who have released me from pain,

And so many other beings too.

All suffering has been understood.

The source of craving has withered.

Cessation has been touched by me

On the noble eight-fold path.

I've been mother and son before;

And father, brother — grandmother too.

Not understanding what was real,

I flowed-on without finding [peace].

But now I've seen the Blessed One!

This is my last compounded form.

The on-flowing of birth has expired.

There's no more re-becoming now.

See the gathering of followers:

Putting forth effort, self controlled,

Always with strong resolution

—This is how to honor the Buddhas!

Surely for the good of so many

Did Maya give birth to Gotama,

Who bursts asunder the mass of pain

Of those stricken by sickness and death.

Thig 6.6 --Translated from the Pali by Andrew Olendzki

Kisagotami Theri: The Woman with the Dead Child (excerpt)

The Sage has emphasized and praised

Noble friendship for the world.

If one stays with a Noble Friend,

even a fool will become a wise person.

Stay with them of good heart

for the wisdom of those who stay with them grows.

And while one is staying with them,

from every kind of dukkha* one is freed.

Dukkha one should know well,

and how dukkha arises and ceases,

and the Eightfold Path,

and the Four Noble Truths.

"Woman's state is painful,"

declares the Trainer of tamable men.

"A wife with others is painful

and once having borne a child,

some even cut their throats;

others of delicate constitution

poison take, then pain again;

and then there's the baby obstructing the birth,

killing the mother too."

...

Miserable woman, your kin all dead

and limitless dukkha you've known.

So many tears have you shed

in these many thousands of births.

...

Wholly developed by me is

the Eightfold Noble Path going to Deathlessness,

Nibbana** realized,

I looked into the Mirror of the Dhamma***.

With dart removed am I,

the burden laid down, done what was to be done,

The elder nun Kisagotami,

freed in mind and heart, has chanted this.

*dukkha=suffering

**Nibbana=Nirvana

***Dhamma=dharma (teachings)

Thig 10 PTS: Thig 213-217, 220, 222-223

--Translated from the Pali by Hellmuth Hecker & Sister Khema

Other notable women include the stories of Kema the wise, and Yasodharā, the former wife of Buddha a,omgst others.

Questions

1. Describe the main points of Untitled Poem Therigatha, I.11 — Mutta --

2. What is the significance Maha Pajapati (Gotami) according to “A Mother's Blessing”

3. What is the significance Dukkha in Kisagotami Theri: The Woman with the Dead Child?

Mahayana Buddhism and feminism

Although early Buddhist texts such as the Vinaya Pitaka of the Pali Canon contain statements from Gautama Buddha, speaking to the fact that a woman can attain enlightenment.

It is also clearly stated in the Bahudhātuka-sutta that there could never be a female Buddha.

Yasodharā, the former wife of Buddha Shakyamuni, mother of his son Rahula, is said to have become an arhat after having joined the Bhikkhuni order of Buddhist nuns.

Can everyone become enlightened- attain Buddhahood - even women?

A key text from Mahayana Buddhism regarding the belief that all equally possess the potential to attain Buddhahood can be found in the twelfth chapter of the Lotus Sutra which is entitled

At the opening of this chapter, the Buddha recounts how an immeasurable number of years ago a king made a vow to seek 'highest enlightenment'. A sage came to him who declared, 'I possess the Mahayana teaching called the Lotus Sutra. If you faithfully follow and obey me I will expound it to you.' The king then served the sage for one thousand years: 'For the sake of the Dharma he served him diligently, making certain the sage never lacked for anything.' Ultimately, the king became a Buddha. The Buddha then states, The king at that time was I myself, and the sage was he who is now. Devadatta'. This Devadatta will become a Buddha named Devaraja with his own world and he will enlighten innumerable sentient beings 'equal in number to the sands of the Ganges River'. Again after a period of time, 'incalculable sentient beings will attain arhatship'.

The key point of this passage in the first half of the chapter is that Devadatta is the Buddha's cousin who is described in many Buddhist texts as the epitome of evil. He tries to kill the Buddha on a number of occasions- such as when he gives alcohol to the elephant Nalagiri and goads it to attack the Buddha or tries to roll a boulder from the top of a hill to crush the Buddha. In addition, Devadatta tries to split the monastic sangha and then to take over leadership of the sangha when the Buddha becomes ill. Finally, the earth opens up under Devadatta and he falls into one of the hell realms. That even Devadatta can become a Buddha shows the universality of Buddhahood - it is open to everyone.

The Dragon Kings Daughter

In Mahayana schools, Buddhahood is the universal goal for Mahayana practitioners. The Mahayana sutras maintains that a woman can become enlightened, only not in female form.  In the Lotus Sutra the story of the Dragon Kings Daughter here is key.

The story of the Dragon King’s Daughter is the lone example in Buddhist literature of a mortal being becoming a Buddha, with the notable exception of the Buddha himself. It’s meant to convey the universality of Buddha-nature. And it’s about a woman becoming a Buddha, which is significant not only for the statement it makes but also because it came out of a patriarchal culture that tended to view women as inferior.

In the second half of the chapter, the bodhisattva Manjushri emerges from the ocean where he has been in the palace of the Dragon King. He is questioned by another bodhisattva as to how any sentient beings he managed to inspire in the Dragon King's realm. Manjushri replies, 'their number is immeasurable and incalculable' and to show this, innumerable bodhisattvas rise out of the ocean. Manjushri declares that in the ocean he only taught the Lotus Sutra. He is then asked: 'If sentient beings diligently strive to practise this Sutra, will they immediately become Buddhas or not.

Embedded in these stories, but often overlooked by both patriarchal and feminist interpreters, is an important insight for a Buddhist and dharmic exegesis of this motif. Dwelling in emptiness, the person who undergoes the sex change is utterly non-fixated and non-attached regarding gender. The woman is not attached to her femaleness but will leave it behind when skill-in-means to Leach the dharma would be well served by a sex change. Goss

To this Manjushri replies, 'Yes they will'. At this point to illustrate the truth of what he is saying, Manjushri explains that the Dragon King's daughter - also referred to as the Naga King's daughter – is eight years old but even so: 'She instantly produced the thought of enlightenment and attained the stage of non-retrogression'. Manjushri continues by stating:

'Her virtues are perfect. Her thoughts and explanations are subtle and extensive, merciful, and compassionate. She has a harmonious mind and has attained enlightenment.'

However, Manjushri is challenged by a bodhisattva who states that for the Buddha himself enlightenment was only achieved after an immeasurable period of time and that his compassion could be seen in every part ofthe cosmos. The bodhisattva concludes: 'It is hard to believe that this girl will instantly attain complete enlightenment.'

The Dragon King's daughter suddenly appears to them all, praises the Buddha, declares that she is enlightened and will reveal the Mahayana to save sentient beings from suffering. Sariputra - as a representative of Theravada - voices his doubts: 'You think that in no time at all you will attain the unexcelled way. This is hard to believe. Why? Because the body of a woman is filthy and impure, not a vessel for the Dharma. How could you attain unexcelled awakening? The Buddha way is long and extensive. Only after innumerable aeons of enduring hardship, accumulating good works, and thoroughly carrying out all the practices can it be reached.' Sariputra then lists five things a woman could not be, the last of which is that she cannot have the body of a Buddha.

In these texts, the notion that a female cannot be an advanced Bodhisattva or Buddha is being played with and critically examined. It is clear that a woman can go on to become such a being. On the one hand, there is no need to transcend the female sex to reach spiritual excellence; on the other, the wise see no reason to be attached to it, by refusing to change it. Harvey

At this, the Dragon King's daughter takes a precious jewel and offers it to the Buddha. He accepts it and she asks the bodhisattva and Sariputra whether the offering of the jewel and the acceptance of it was done quickly. They reply: 'It was done extremely quickly'. She tells them to use their holy powers and watch her become a Buddha even more quickly. The passage continues: Then the entire assembly saw the dragon girl instantly transformed into a male, take up bodhisattva practice, and immediately go to the world named Spotless, in the southern region, where, sitting on a precious lotus blossom, she attained impartial, proper awakening. With the thirty-two characteristics and eighty different attractive features she proclaimed the wonderful dharma to all living beings everywhere in the universe.' Sariputra, the bodhisattvas watch her from afar as countless sentient beings achieve enlightenment. The entire assembly 'silently believed and accepted this'.

The main teaching of this passage in the second part of the chapter, is that according to traditional Buddhist understanding the Dragon King's daughter is not a sentient being who should be able to achieve enlightenment on at least three counts: firstly she is only eight, secondly she is not a human being and thirdly she is female. However, according to what is described, she begins as an eight year old, becomes a bodhisattva in the next instant and immediately afterwards becomes a Buddha with the traditional thirty two characteristics ascribed to the Buddha. The passage concerning the Dragon King's daughter is an important contributory factor to the different views in Buddhism about whether women can attain enlightenment. The focus of the discussion is on the detail in the story that 'the dragon girl instantly transformed into a male'. This would appear to suggest that full enlightenment into the bodhisattva state is something which requires being male in terms of gender identity. As Gross points out, 'it is impossible for someone with feminist sensibilities not to be slightly uncomfortable with the end of the story, especially when we know that men sometimes used this story to challenge female contemporaries who were attempting to take up positions of authority in Buddhism'.

Harvey notes that most traditions within Buddhism would teach that a female cannot attain the spiritual status of 'a Perfect and Completely Awakened One' - that is of becoming a full Buddha. This can be seen in one Mahayana text quoted by Gross where the philosopher Asanga explains why women can never be Buddhas:

'All women are by nature full of defilement and of weak intelligence. And not by one who is full of defilement and of weak intelligence is completely perfected Buddhahood attained.'

The story of the Dragon King's daughter contradicts this teaching. Thus Harvey states:

'The story was not seen to show that the girl had to become a male before becoming a Buddha, but that, already having attained Buddhahood through sudden insight, she then went on to manifest a male form.'

One approach to the text is to see it in the context of other Buddhist passages where a change of sex is at issue with regard to attaining enlightenment. Here the overall view is that gender identity is ultimately only a designation which applies to the physical form of the human person and that it does not have what Harvey describes as 'fixed, inherent existence'. That the Dragon King's daughter is at one instant a female and at the next a male illustrates this point: '''Maleness'' and "femaleness" are not essential ingredients of people, but relative and conditioned states or labels.'

For many of the women who joined the nuns' order, it provided an important and liberating option .... Their songs of triumph, the Therigatha, were preserved as scriptural record by these early Buddhists. That they may be less well-known does not obviate their existence and preservation for well over two thousand years. Gross

This approach could be seen as building upon the two truths doctrine as explained in the Abhidhamma - the third part of the Tipitaka. Conventional truth SAMMUTI SACCA is and this refers to expressions such as 'male' and 'female' which we use for things which exist only in designation. In using these terms, conventional language is being used to speak of conventional appearance. By contrast, PARAMATTHA SACCA ultimate truth is and this can be seen as referring to the underlying reality beneath the surface appearance. From the perspective of paramattha sacca, there is no 'male' and 'female'.

Gross develops this argument by introducing the concept of sunyata – emptiness - which might be regarded as paramattha sacca. Gross sees the story as showing that 'one should not depend on conventional signs and tokens in one's attempt to determine someone's true identity'. She places her understanding within the concept of sunyata: 'Who is this person really? Will the real Naga-princess please stand up? The real Bodhisattva? The real Buddha with the thirty-two marks? It is not that one became the other, for in emptiness, neither the Naga princess nor the bodhisattva, nor the Buddha has fixed existence.'

Connected to this, Martin Seeger presents the views of Suwanna Satha-Anand, a professor of Buddhist philosophy, on the question of 'male' and 'female' and views about attaining enlightenment. Her approach is to argue that in this context paramattha sacca is only concerned with 'the equipotentiality of awakening for men and women'. This has to take absolute priority over sammuti sacca which because of its use of designations is always subject to 'the cultural constraints of the time'. She argues that: 'the principle of [ultimate] truth over conventional truth should serve as a basis for future feminist interpretations and negotiations of the Buddhist scriptures. It should also serve as a basis for institutional decisions of the Sangha in relation to women's issues. What is at stake is not only the human rights of women, but also the philosophical universality and institutional integrity of Buddhism itself.' Perhaps, therefore, the real focus should return to the first half of the twelfth chapter of the Lotus Sutra. The key point might be seen to be simply that any person - even the wicked Devadatta - has the potential to be a Buddha. This form of full enlightenment is a path open to all.

Questions

1. Describe the significance of ‘evil’ Devadatta becoming a Buddha named Devaraja for Women and enlightenment?

2. What is the significance or function Manjushri as a Bodhisattva

3. What is the significance the Dragon Kings daughter for Mahayana teaching on women and enlightenment- attaining Buddha nature?

Feminism and Mahayana Buddhism – contemporary views

To what extent is Buddhism aligned with feminism?

The Dalai Lama  

Spoke at a conference on Women in Buddhism at the University of Hamburg in 2007:

“Warfare has traditionally been carried out primarily by men, since they seem better physically equipped for aggressive behaviour. Women, on the other hand, tend to be more caring and more sensitive to others' discomfort and pain. Although men and women have the same potentials for aggression and warm-heartedness, they differ in which of the two more easily manifests. Thus, if the majority of world leaders were women, perhaps there would be less danger of war and more cooperation on the basis of global concern – although, of course, some women can be difficult! I sympathize with feminists, but they must not merely shout. They must exert efforts to make positive contributions to society”

In 2009, the Dalia Lama said: "I call myself a feminist. Isn't that what you call someone who fights for women's rights?"

He also said that by nature, women are more compassionate "based on their biology and ability to nurture and birth children." He called on women to "lead and create a more compassionate world," citing the good works of nurses and mothers.

In 2007 he said that the next Dalai Lama could possibly be a woman, remarking "If a woman reveals herself as more useful the lama could very well be reincarnated in this form".

In 2010 he stated that "twenty or thirty years ago", when discussing whether a woman could be a Dalai Lama in the future, he said yes but "I also said half-jokingly that if the Dalai Lama's reincarnation is female, she must be very attractive. The reason is so that she will have more influence on others. If she is an ugly female, she won’t be very effective, will she?"

Some a very critical – e.g. Rita Gross

Rita Goss and Female enlightenment

Buddhists have frequently claimed that female rebirth is an obstacle to attaining enlightenment

Buddhist feminism is a movement that seeks to improve the religious, legal, and social status of women within Buddhism.

It is an aspect of feminist theology which seeks to advance and understand the equality of men and women morally, socially, spiritually, and in leadership from a Buddhist perspective.

The Buddhist feminist Rita Gross describes Buddhist feminism as "the radical practice of the co-humanity of women and men."

Taking it further

Rita Gross (1943-2015) was a pioneer in academic studies involving feminism and comparative religion. In addition she became a Tibetan Buddhist. In much of her work she considered the relationship between religion and the stereotypes of the roles of men and women. Her book Buddhism After Patriarchy (1993) is regarded by many as a key work on the subject of Buddhism and feminism due to its combination of scholarship, feminist critique, and personal belief. Gross describes her book as presenting a feminist REVALORISATION of Buddhism.

On the one hand this involves revealing the 'massive undercurrents of sexism and prejudice against women' and on the other 'repairing the tradition, often bringing it much more into line with its own fundamental values and vision than was its patriarchal form'.

“The form of serious lay Buddhist practice and the transvaluation of values that comes with it will make more explicit that Buddhist minks do not have a monopoly on this level of spiritual development” Gross (P.269)

In examining how the stereotypes of the roles of men and women developed in Buddhism, a key term used by Gross is androcentrism, which might be defined as placing a masculine point of view at the centre of one's understanding. She describes FOUR LEVELS OF ANDROCENTRISM in Buddhism:

1. First level androcentrism: the texts and stories preserved by Buddhists whereby 'stories about men and men's statements were far more likely to be recorded than were stories about women'.

2. Second level androcentrism: texts and stories about women which were recorded being given second place to those about men. Here, for example, Gross notes how this happened to the Therigatha.

3. Third level androcentrism: Western Buddhist scholarship follows the biases of Buddhist texts and stories in presenting its version of Buddhism.

4. Fourth level androcentrism: contemporary Buddhism, both Asian and Western, 'is unrelenting in its ongoing androcentrism'.

These four levels of androcentrism have resulted in Buddhism as a religion which is often dominated by lay Buddhist women in terms of belief and practice but which in its institutions generally excludes women from leadership roles and from pursing their spiritual beliefs at any higher levels of studies. In addition the four levels of androcentrism mean that women are treated in Buddhism 'as exceptions to the norm that need to be 'regulated, explained and placed in the world'.

Together the four levels of androcentrism create the conditions of patriarchy. This refers to the gender hierarchy of men over women and the binary stereotyping of their roles as men and women. However, although Buddhism is androcentric and patriarchal. Gross does not believe that it is misogynistic. In other words there is little evidence in the texts and stories of hatred or fear of women and femininity.

“The final post-patriarchal question concerning spiritual discipline asks: ‘For what purpose?... In fact the whole orientation of practising a spiritual discipline to be prepared for death will probably not survive into post-patriarchal Buddhism.  If a spiritual discipline promotes wholeness and balance, tranquillity and a deep peace, that will be sufficient… Out of that grows the caring for community and for each other that is important for spiritual insight and well-being” Gross

(P.288)

Gross presents a generally accepted hypothesis that stereotypes regarding the roles of men and women had in the past been fashioned by two key 'patriarchal gender roles': economic production and human reproduction.

In the area of economic production women had become increasingly separated from control over economic production which was taken over by men. At the same time, their role 'became increasingly specialised in, limited to, and defined by their reproductive role'. As a result, clear patterns of patriarchy emerged insofar as for women, 'their realm of power and influence was within the household and extended family, the so-called private life'. Meanwhile, men moved away from the realm of private life, 'to specialise in military, economic, religious and political affairs in the so-called public realm'.

Since the Industrial Revolution in the 19th century onwards this model of patriarchy in the West has gradually faded. Thus, for example, the patriarchal division of labour based on man's greater physical strength is no longer required in the area of work since this now requires 'training, skills and intelligence' which are not gender specific. The same revolutionary change can be found in the area of human reproduction: The existence of birth control. much lower infant and maternal mortality rates, and a vastly increased lifespan means that women cannot focus their whole lives on reproduction ... .' Gross argues that this emancipation of women has meant that through their intelligence and creativity 'they take up leadership positions, in politics, religion and economics'.

The fact that the demise of patriarchy in the West and the growth of feminism has occurred at the same time as the discovery of Buddhism is regarded by Gross as an 'auspicious coincidence' which means that a feminist revalorisation of Buddhism can now take place.

Thus with regard to the stereotypes regarding the roles of men and women in Buddhism, the first part of revalorisation recognises the 'massive undercurrents of sexism and prejudice against women'. These Gross sums up as the basic assertion that 'there is some problem with the female gender'. In Buddhist texts and stories therefore: 'Women are thought to be much less likely than are men to make significant progress on the path and Buddhist men declaim on the preferability of maleness over femaleness'.

The second part of revalorisation involves 'repairing the tradition' as to the roles of men and women. This means the recognition and acceptance that in Buddhism 'being female presents no barrier to the achievement of liberation'. This position exists throughout Buddhist history and can be seen in the way in which the Dhamma is neither male nor female and that gender is ultimately irrelevant and even non-existent in Buddhist teachings. Gross also argues that texts and stories might also be found which show that 'femaleness is actually an advantage'.

Whilst this feminist revalorisation is having an impact on worldwide Buddhism, cultural stereotypes about the roles of men and women are still predominant in what Gross calls the 'the Asian homeland of Buddhism'. This can be seen even in the simplest of settings. One cultural tradition in Thailand as described by Sallie B. King is bowing as a gesture of respect: 'the lower one bows, the more one conveys one's own humility and the exalted status ofthe other'. Such bowing is given particularly to the monastic sangha which can be bowing low, bowing with one's knees or even bowing completely on the ground. Even members of the royal family in Thailand bow to the monastic sangha.

“The single biggest difference between the practice of Buddhism in Asia and the practice of Buddhism in the West is the full and complete participation of women in Western Buddhism”

Gross (P.25)

However, the key point here is that there is no bhikkhuni sangha. King observes: 'When there are only male bhikkhus, one realises after a while that one is living in a place in which men and women regularly bow deeply before some men, but no men ever bow that deeply before any women. This is powerful body language; though it is not so intended, it is a constant reinforcement of popular notions of the socially and karmically inferior status of women.' If the establishment of a bhikkhuni sangha in Thailand ever takes place, it might be the case that men bow deeply before women and this would then promote 'gender equality and respect'.

It might be argued that when Buddhism arrived and began to be established in the West, the governance and structure of Buddhist groups - which largely consisted of lay 'convert' Buddhists - was always male or dominated by males. Again, the type of respect shown to Buddhist religious leaders in Asia by 'heritage' Buddhists as described by King, provided the model for what was expected of Western 'convert' Buddhists. Whether the man in question be a Zen roshi from Japan, a rinpoche from Tibet or a senior bhikkhu from Thailand, the Western approach of 'convert' Buddhist women matched the cultural norm of women relating to men in a patriarchal society.

Gross speaks of improving Buddhism which:

“involves working with the categories and concepts of a traditional religion in the light of feminist values… to revalorize is to have determined that, however sexist a religious tradition may be, it is not irreparably so.  Revalorization is, in fact, doing that work of repairing the tradition, often bringing it much more into line with its own fundamental values and vision than was its patriarchal form”

(Rita M. Gross, Buddhism After Patriarchy: A Feminist History, Alaysis and Reconstruction of Buddhism,

That this could be damaging became evident as King explains: 'in the 1970s and '80s a number of scandals erupted in American Zen and Tibetan practice centres involving (male) head teachers who made sexual advances or had sexual relations with female students'. Once these scandals came to light, a number of questions were raised which challenged the importation of what might be termed the cultural stereotype of patriarchal Buddhism found in some parts of Asia. King suggests that the reSUlting discussions necessarily focused on 'the hierarchical nature of Buddhism, the unquestioned trust in the teacher, the structure of power in Buddhist practice institutions, and the pattern of male supremacy'.

Overall Gross concludes that 'convert' Buddhists are generally free of what she describes as 'the Asian cultural patriarchal baggage' with regard to the roles of men and women. The key to this freedom is that 'Buddhist teachers are careful of the distinction between cultural habits and the dharma'. This means that Buddhist teachers' do not want their students to become Tibetans or Japanese, but Buddhists. Most of them agree that discrimination against women is a cultural prejudice, not a Buddhist teaching.'

At the same time, Gross is critical of the unquestioning attitude of many 'convert' Buddhists in the West to the four levels of androcentrism. Although 'convert' Buddhists are generally free of what she describes as 'the Asian cultural patriarchal baggage' in terms of stereotyping the roles of men and women, they tend to be 'ignorant of Buddhism's patriarchal record'. In their approach, 'they tend to regard feminism as unnecessary in a Buddhist context and Buddhist feminists as traitors, if not heretics, who just don't understand that detachment is the heart of Buddhist teaching'.

An example of what might be understood to be androcentrism in promoting cultural stereotypes of the roles of men and women in Buddhism can be seen in the remarks of the Dalai Lama in an interview in 2015. When asked as to whether his successor could be a woman he agreed that this might be the case since a woman Dalai Lama would have 'biologically more' potential to show affection and compassion'. He then continued by saying: 'If female Dalai Lama come, the face must be very very - should be very attractive'. When asked to clarify his comments, he stated: 'I mean if female Dalai Lama come, then that female must be very attractive. Otherwise, not much use'.

It might be argued that in stating that women have 'biologically more potential to show affection and compassion the Dalai Lama was reinforcing another stereotype since scientific data and gender studies do not bear out this claim. On the other hand, it might be said that in linking the feminine with compassion, the Dalai Lama

Questions

1. What did the Dalai Lama say that means some think he is sexist?

2. What is Grosses idea of revalorisation?

3. What are the FOUR LEVELS OF ANDROCENTRISM in Buddhism: ?

Assessment Questions

Evaluate the view ‘there are no Theravada Bhikihunis nuns today’. 30 Mk